Tales from a Revolution: Bacon’s Rebellion and the Transformation of Early America

Rice, James D. Tales from a Revolution: Bacon’s Rebellion and the Transformation of Early America. New Narratives in American History. New York: Oxford University Press, 2012.

CATEGORIES: Early U.S. History, Colonial U.S., Native American History, Virginia and Maryland History, Insurrections, Bacon’s Rebellion, 1676.

PLACE: Virginia, Maryland, North Carolina, New York.

TIME PERIOD: 1675-1725.

SUMMARY:

James D. Rice’s short revisionist narrative of Bacon’s Rebellion and the following decades provides a new but familiar thesis—he is unable to support, particularly in such a short book. The synthesis history of the rebellion itself is an enjoyable read, as is the aim of the “New Narratives in American History” series from Oxford University Press, but the entire second part of the book concerns an argument about anti-Catholic conspiracy, which seems strange to a colony known for its irreligion. While Rice builds on Morgan’s American Slavery, American Freedom, he omits pivotal facts from Morgan’s thesis to ultimately argue that were it not for those poor, racist white populists, Native Americans would be thriving in the United States today.

Rice explains in the Afterward that his narrative style precludes a traditional academic thesis, but has allowed him to write in a way that readers must think for themselves about events in order to discover the truth of his thesis, which he spells out at the end of the book. I recommend reading this at the beginning.

The Afterward begins with a valuable historiography that explains the various turns the narrative of Bacon’s Rebellion has taken, before a segue to the benefits and pitfalls of narrative history. Next he hits on a sub thesis, closely related to his main argument, which echoes loudly in 2022. Reliable information was hard to come by for 17th-century Virginians, who “made their choices in the absence of information, operating within what is often called the “fog of war—which, as the great Prussian military theorist Carl von Clausewitz described it, “gives to things exaggerated dimensions and an unnatural appearance.” The unreliable stories of Sarah Grendon, Thomas Mathew, and Nathaniel Bacon indicate that “gossip, rumor, misinformation, and contending stories,” the “wild, irrational tales, full of paranoia, supernatural forces, superheated rhetoric, and outright misinformation”  ruled the day (209). It’s telling that Rice does not include Berkeley in his list of unreliable narrators, for, while he concedes that Berkeley was corrupt and had little concern for the frontiersmen whose lives buffered the wealthy planters from the Indians, he believes that Berkeley was in the right. The belief in the supernatural was (and arguably still is, outside of academia, in all social classes) commonplace in this era was well established by historians such as David D. Hall

The rebellion was caused by the settlers’ “fear, anger, and suspicious-mindedness; their paranoia and susceptibility to conspiracy theories; their vengefulness and malice; and their willingness to resort to violence, savagery, oppression, and cruelty when they felt threatened by Indians, governors, “Papists,” or anyone else outside their tribe.” Ah yes, those poor, tribal whites. Never mind the violence, savagery, oppression, and cruelty of the governors and the assemblies in their never-ending pursuit of profits. Never mind that poor, white indentured servants rebelled side-by-side with Black slaves. And never mind that the poor whites forced to the edges of the frontier by elites were frequently victims of Indians “violence, savagery, and cruelty” when the wealthy ruling class pushed them off their land. 

To believe Rice’s argument requires forgetting, or ignoring, that Berkeley, long-known as an diplomat par excellence to his Indian trading allies, thirty years previous had forced the Powhatans off their land around Jamestown, killed their chief, and almost obliterated the tribe of over 10,000, by far the largest of the area. After subduing the tribe he engaged them in fur, skins, and Indian slave trade. Confusing a wish to protect his financial interests with a special concern for Indian rights is dubious and buys into a “good Indian, bad Indian” narrative (see Thornton). What his and other texts demonstrate is that white English elites used Indians when it served them and turned on them when it did not. That we are to believe that wealthy colonists did not take lands from the Indians when it suited them and when they could, that instead it was the fault of the “savage, superstitious, tribal” poor white populists is quite a fantastic thesis. But it does serve a certain political position and psychological viewpoint—that racism is the fault of racist, “tribal,” poor whites over there, rather than baked into the systems and psychology of the United States. As Morgan suggested, racism serves elites today as well as it did in 1676.

More welcome in Rice’s analysis is his inclusion of Indians’ experiences during this period. He details how English gentlemen pushed Indians westward and southward, as did the powerful Five Nations Iroquois of the mid-Atlantic region. Tribes that migrated had to negotiate with tribes already inhabiting those areas, who often used different languages. These negotiations often turned into wars, and larger tribes subsumed others as more and more Indians were dislocated. 

In Part Two of the book, Rice argues that Bacon’s rebellion was not a short period of insurrection led by the notorious Bacon. Instead it was a series of rebellions caused by various political alliances and the displacement of Indians. In Rice’s telling, Bacon’s Rebellion was not against corrupt royal authority but against authority that would not remove frontier Indians’ from their lands. Rice suggests this is because of white tribal racism, ignoring the facts that the elites intentionally restricted freed servants’ access to land to decrease their power and increase the value of the elites’ land. Nor did the government seek to protect the poor whites on the frontiers who were often killed by Indians seeking revenge on actions taken by government officials. We are not asked to consider why, exactly, poor men brought, often by force, to settle and work in servitude in a faraway land with shocking morbidity rates, might be angry.

Instead we are told that the Baconites were summoned by a tract called “A Complaint from Heaven with a Huy and crye and a petition out of Virginia and Maryland ” written anonymously late in 1676, before the rebellion had been squashed. It called for a continuation of the rebellion due to Lord Baltimore’s mistreatment of his people through his alliances with Indians. He was against the people because he was a papist Catholic in alliance with Indians and the French in Canada, who were drawing closer and closer to Virginia. Bacon’s Rebellion, Rice argues, was not against royal authority but against Catholicism and the threat of Louis XIV. They continued to rebell in the 1680s and followed closely the Glorious Revolution, believing a Protestant king would serve their interests. Indeed, when William III claimed the throne in 1889 he placed Francis Nicholson as royal governor. Nicholson allegedly followed the desires of the Baconites and henceforth used broadstroke anti-Indian policies. It was not because trade with Indians for skins and Indian captives was, by the 1690s, no longer enticing for the elites, but because of the desires of the racist rabble.

The connections between Bacon’s Rebellion, the Glorious Revolution, and Coode’s Rebellion are unclear. Though Rice elaborates in his afterward, there is simply not enough evidence presented to make the connections believable. While his independent analyses carry weight, that they are all bound up together is problematic. While he asks at the end, “What if Bacon had died young?,” suggesting that perhaps Indians would have prospered under more Berkeleys and Baltimores, I was instead convinced that given the numerous uprisings before and after Bacon, and the elites’ need to control the exploited poor, and the shifts in Indian economies, these trends would have developed with or without that particular sorry rebel. 

HISTORIOGRAPHY

Beverly Robert. History and Present State of Virginia, London: R. Parker, at the Unicorn, under the Piazza’s of the Royal-Exchange, 1705.

Morgan, Edmund S. American Slavery, American Freedom: The Ordeal of Colonial Virginia. New York: W.W. Norton & Co, 2003.

Washburn, Wilcomb E. The Governor and the Rebel: A History of Bacon’s Rebellion in Virginia. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1957.

Webb, Stephen Saunders. 1676, the End of American Independence. New York: Knopf, 1984.

Wertenbaker, Thomas Jefferson. Torchbearer of the Revolution: The Story of Bacon’s Rebellion and Its Leader. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1940.

Wilson, J. The History of Bacon’s and Ingram’s Rebellion in Virginia, in 1675 and 1676. Cambridge, Mass, J. Wilson Press, 1867.

Christian Slavery: Conversion and Race in the Protestant Atlantic World

Gerbner, Katharine. Christian Slavery: Conversion and Race in the Protestant Atlantic World. Early American Studies. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2018.

CATEGORIES: Atlantic Ocean History, Race History, British History, Christian converts, European History, Religious history, Slavery and the church, Slavery and the church, Slave history, Protestant missions, missionary work and slavery

PLACE: Atlantic World, West Indies (especially Barbados), colonies of continental North America

TIME PERIOD: 1650-1740

SUMMARY:

Before white supremacy came “Protestant Supremacy.” In Christian Slavery (2018), Katherine Gerbner offers a revisionist history of Christianity and slavery in the seventeenth-century Atlantic world. She interrogates the historical narrative of Christian missionaries beneficent intentions and anti-slavery views by evaluating journals, letters, court records, and archives in various languages and countries, particularly in the West Indies where such missions first occurred. Protestant missionaries reworked ideas about the acceptibility of Christian slavery when they met planter resistance to slave conversions due to their “Protestant Supremacy.” Slave owners believed that African slaves could not be true Protestants, an ideology that dominated the period (1600-1800) in which Anglican, Moravian, and Quaker planters believed that Protestantism was central to their identity as masters and free men. Gerbner turns the dominant narrative of missionaries’ antislavery beliefs on its head by arguing that planters and missionaries battled over the Protestant Supremacy of the planters and the Christian Slavery of the missionaries. Far from being anti-slavery, Anglican, Quaker, and Moravian missionaries worked to bring slavery in line with Christianity, and they effectively created legislation to this effect. Before Quakers they were abolitionists, they were staunchly proslavery.

Missionaries also provided a rationale for colonization and slavery. The planters argued, partly because by this time it was unacceptable for Christians to own Christian slaves in Europe, that conversion would could cause the slaves to rebel and behave poorly, though there was no evidence to this effect. Slavery was acceptable because the slaves were heathens. Christians had rights; heathens did not. Planters were physically and verbally abusive to missionaries, who, eager to convert slaves and dependent on the planters permission, repositioned their beliefs to promote Christian slavery (which had been debated up to this point). These beliefs were not simply used to persuade planters, but were codified in legislation, which over time created a legal institution of race-based slavery in the West Indes and United States. Rather than creating a foundation for anti-slavery movements, these missionaries created ideologies of paternalism and Christian justification for slavery used in proslavery arguments of the 18th and 19th centuries. 

Gerbner also engages the contested concept of “conversion” by noting that Protestant sects had different ideas about what constituted conversion, as well as what it meant to the converted enslaved and free Blacks. Her study is the first to focus on Black slave conversions before the revivals of the 18th and 19th centuries. The baptism of blacks challenged the major justificaiton for slavery in the 17th century—they were not Protestants. This cause a shift of racial terminology that came to justify slavery. The roots of white supremacy are found in “Protestant Supremacy”; the former term is still embedded with religious signification.

Gerbner’s is an impressive account of the missionary responsibility for creating Protestant supremacy, and this is what sets her narrative apart from previous historians who have addressed it. She corrects Frey and Wood’s argument (Come Shouting to Zion, 1998), which ignores the importance of earlier conversions and overstates the importance of the Great Awakening and the “emotive worship” aspect of slave conversion. While the voices of free and enslaved Blacks are faint, this is more likely a fault of the archives than Gerber, who uses some letters and accounts by African American sources.

Chapter 1 Christian Slaves in the Atlantic World

This chapter is a brief review of Christian slavery to the 17th Century and provides a foundation for Gerbner’s argument.

Chapter 2 Protestant Supremacy

Gerbner uses a tract first read in Barbadian Anglican churches in 1662, “The Act for the better ordering of Negroes,” to illustrate the position of Anglican religion in promoting slavery and Protestant Supremacy, countering arguments that Barbadian planters were not religious. 

Chapter 3 Quaker Slavery and Slave Rebellion

Quaker leader Geroge Fox encouraged slavery by criticising Anglican planters for not converting their slaves in 1671, which an Anglican minister repeated, causing a larger pressure for converting slaves. Further, Anglicans blamed Quakers for inciting rebellions by bringing Blacks into their meetings and so passed “An Act to prevent the people called Quakers, from bringing Negroes to their Meeting” in 1676. 

Chapter 4 From Christian to White

In other places, slaves occasionally won baptism in other plantation colonies, usually “chief slaves” on a plantation, or the slave children of masters, although planters were against largescale conversions, as it threatened their fragile society. This was a very small fraction of slaves—less than 1%. These conversions challenged Protestant Supremacy and planters began to shift the language of mastery to race rather than religion. By 1700, slavery was justified by race, though the ideology of Protestant Supremacy remained. Barbados passed “an Act to keep inviolate, and preserve the Freedom of Elections” which added “white man” to “professing the Christian religion in 1697.

Chapter 5 The Imperial Politics of Slave Conversion

Gerbner uses the example of Christopher Codrington, governor-general of the Leeward Islands, to demonstrate that while planters reconsceived slavery in terms of race they still resisted most slaves from Christian practices as as such, Gerbner argues, shows the maintenance of Protestant whiteness. The transition to white supremacy took decades and slaveholders still required proslavery arguments from missionaries and other religious figures to feel comfortable with slave conversion. Codrington found it difficult to reconcile slavery and his Christianity, though he tried. He tried to convince planters that Christian slave communities were safe and not rebellious, but he also understood that it was a complex moral, political, and imperial matter. 

Chapter 6 The SPG and Slavery

Codrinton fought against and then worked with the French, who provided an example of Christian slavery in the continetnal colonies of North America. Influenced by the Catholic colleges, he bequeathed two plantations and hundreds of slave to the Anglican missionary society, the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts (SPG) to become a missionary college for slaves when he died in 1710. Here, the first Anglican missions to slaves began. Two French Protestants, Elias Neau and Francis Le Jau worked to make slave conversion more acceptable, the former by pursuing legal means to support slave Christianity and the latter by adding a pledge to the baptism that made clear Christian slaves were not free. Even so, Neau was blamed for a 1712 slave uprising, “demonstrating the persistence of Protestant Supremacy in the early eighteenth century.” The mission of the SPG remained devoted to the business of slavery rather than the missionizing of slaves.

Chapter 7 Inner Slavery and Spiritual Freedom 

The Anlicans “master-centered” outreach to Christianize slaves took no account of why slaves might wish to convert. The Pietist Moravians, part of the Great Awakening, built on the networks laid by Anglican missionaries but had markedly new strategies, which involved the revivalist emphasis on feeling Christ in the heart. They argued with the existing Black Christians in the West Indies, most of whom had been favored slaves who were converted by their masters. They formed an elite of slave society and were too interested, the Moravians believed, in education and textual Christianity, similar to their criticism of confessional Lutheranism in Germany. Their work in the West Indies caused a shift in both missions and Black Christianity, introducing a radical, revivialist Christianity.

Chapter 8 Defining True Conversion

Moravian missions shifted their strategies over the years. Once leaning on reading and writing lessons for converts, they later forbid them altogether. Marriage policy changed from monogamy only to an acceptance of polygamy. These changes were the result of pressure from both converts and planters. 

Epilogue. Proslavery Theology and Black Christianity

Gerbner traces what many consider to be the “first formal defense of slavery in the Atlantic world,” “A Letter to the Inhabitants of Maryland, Virginia, North and South Carolina” written by George Whitefield in 1740, to the developments of the three missionary groups, the Quakers, the Anglicans, and the Moravians, in concert with enslaved Blacks and slave owners. Whitefield, a revivalist leader, condemned slave owners for refusing to Christianize their slaves. He argued with proslavery colonists in Georgia, which had been the first founded without slavery. The early period of Protestant missionizing work in the Americas was far from abolitionist, as has previously been argued. Instead it was the foundation of later proslavery rhetoric. 

HISTORIOGRAPHY

Frey, Sylvia Rae, and Betty Wood. Come Shouting to Zion: African American Protestantism in the American South and British Caribbean to 1830. Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1998.

Glasson, Travis. Mastering Christianity: Missionary Anglicanism and Slavery in the Atlantic World. New York: Oxford University Press, 2012.

Morgan, Edmund S. American Slavery, American Freedom : The Ordeal of Colonial Virginia. New York: W.W. Norton & Co, 2003.

Raboteau, Albert J. Slave Religion: The “Invisible Institution” in the Antebellum South. Oxford ; New York: Oxford University Press, 1975.

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